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Two linked Toronto strikes of street railway employees in 1886 are used to explore contrasting patterns of behaviour or “contentious performances” in Victorian city streets. Strikers led by the Knights of Labor exercised self-discipline when picketing so as to gain the support of the community and defeat the ironclad contract imposed by their anti-union employer. At a moment of working-class mobilization amid industrialization, these employees of a modern, mass-transportation firm deployed “emergent” union tactics. Positioning themselves as breadwinners and as citizens asserting their right to join a union, they deployed a choreographed masculinity encouraged by Knights leaders who strategized to win the disputes. By contrast, large crowds composed overwhelmingly of working-class men and boys demonstrated their disapproval of the street railway company and its anti-labour policy in unruly actions detailed in lively press accounts. The crowds’ transgressive actions point to a “residual” pattern of protest and spontaneous expressions of masculinity derived from boyhoods spent in the streets. Moreover, at times these crowds engaged in playful behaviour and brought into the streets more people drawn by the fun, thus adding momentum to the strikers’ campaign and helping to prompt the repressive measures taken by law enforcement.

The article reviews the book, "An American in London: Whistler and the Thames," by Margaret F. MacDonald and Patricia de Montfort.

There has been a long-time debate over whether issues conclusively decided at labour arbitration should be subject to a subsequent proceeding before a human rights tribunal. The author examines Supreme Court of Canada decisions dealing with re-litigation of issues before multiple decision-makers, and demonstrates how they are interpreted by the human rights tribunal. This paper identifies principles from cases before other decision-makers that can be applied to the problem of shared jurisdiction between labour arbitration and human rights.

This article reviews the book, "Cleaning Up: How Hospital Outsourcing is Hurting Workers and Endangering Patients," by Dan Zuberi.

The story of the Bell Canada union drive and the phone operator strike that brought sweeping reform to women’s workplace rights. In the 1970s, Bell Canada was Canada’s largest corporation. It employed thousands of people, including a large number of women who worked as operators and endured very poor pay and working conditions. Joan Roberts, a former operator, tells the story of how she and a group of dedicated labour organizers helped to initiate a campaign to unionize Bell Canada’s operators. From the point of view of the workers and the organizers, Roberts tells an important story in Canada’s labour history. The unionization of Bell Canada’s operators was a huge victory for Canada’s working women. The victory at Bell established new standards for women in other so-called “pink-collar” jobs. --Publisher's description

The crucible of North American neo-liberal transformation is heating up, but its outcome is far from clear. [This book] examines the clash between the corporate offensive and the forces of resistance from both a pan-continental and a class struggle perspective. This book also illustrates the ways in which the capitalist classes in Canada, Mexico and the United States used free trade agreements to consolidate their agendas and organize themselves continentally. The failure of traditional labour responses to stop the continental offensive being waged by big business has led workers and unions to explore new strategies of struggle and organization, pointing to the beginnings of a continental labour movement across North America. The battle for the future of North America has begun. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction: The Crucible of North American Transformation -- Part 1.The big business offensive: Continental integration and the class offensive from above -- The North American corporate offensive: The United States -- The North American corporate offensive: Canada -- The North American corporate offensive: Mexico -- The North American corporate offensive: NAFTA -- Part 2. The two binationalisms: Immigrants, workers and unions. Mexican immigration and the U.S. labour market -- Continental integration from below: The history of transnational labour markets and labour movements in North America. Part 3. Workers and unions: Responses and continental integration from below. Fighting back: Workers, unions, and continental solidarity -- Fighting back: The Mexican spark? -- Fighting back: The seeds of worker continentalism -- Epilogue: Rising from the ashes of NAFTA.

The article reviews the book, "Save Our Unions: Dispatches from a Movement in Distress," by Steve Early.

Substantially revised and updated for a new generation of labour studies students, this third edition of Building a Better World offers a comprehensive introductory overview of Canada's labour movement. The book includes an analysis of why workers form unions; assesses their organization and democratic potential; examines issues related to collective bargaining, grievances and strike activity; charts the historical development of labour unions; and describes the gains unions have achieved for their members and all working people. -- Publisher's description. Contents: What is a union? (pages 1-5) -- Understanding unions (pages 6-18) -- Early union struggles in Canada (pages 19-45) -- From Keynesianism to neoliberalism: Union breakthroughs and challenges (pages 46-70) -- Unions in the workplace (pages 71-91) -- Unions and political action (pages 92-111) -- How do unions work? (pages 112-137) -- What difference do unions make? (pages 128-143) -- Who belongs to unions? Who doesn't and why? (pages 144-163) -- The future of unions: Decline or renewal? (pages 164-189) -- References (pages 190-204) - Index (pages 206-216).

This paper examines the specific circumstances of contract employment within Sudbury Canada’s mining industry. We attribute this degradation to a shift from direct employment with a major mining company to a concomitant erosion of collective bargaining language and a precarious contract-based relationship. We contend that subcontracting the hiring of employees to a third party skirts provisions of both Federal and Provincial labour legislation which governs and limits the employer’s power (in the case of Ontario this includes the ‘closed shop’ provisions in the Rand Formula, discussed in detail below), and denies fair union representation to what would otherwise be an organized cadre of mining employees, duly employed by the primary employer of record. --From introduction

Notre article évalue la croissance des salaires réels des travailleurs au Canada du début du 20e siècle jusqu’à 2013, en considérant à la fois les salaires des travailleurs syndiqués et non syndiqués. Cette évolution est mise en relation avec la hausse de la productivité du travail afin de vérifier la théorie de l’économiste Robert Solow voulant que la croissance des salaires réels progresse au même rythme que la productivité du travail. Nous relevons l’évolution des salaires en trois temps selon les modes dominants de régulation des relations de travail : 1900-1939, 1940-1979 et 1980-2013. La première phase, celle du libéralisme, est marquée par la négociation individuelle des conditions de travail et l’amorce de la syndicalisation. La deuxième se situe dans la mouvance keynésienne et est caractérisée par le militantisme syndical et l’aide de l’État. La troisième, qui s’inscrit dans l’affirmation du néolibéralisme, voit le recul du syndicalisme et de l’appui apporté par les gouvernements. De notre analyse, il ressort que trois importants facteurs influencent la détermination des salaires : 1-la croissance économique ; 2-l’action de l’État ; et 3- le militantisme syndical. Notre recherche montre que les salaires réels moyens des travailleurs au Canada n’ont guère augmenté au-delà de l’inflation depuis les trois dernières décennies malgré un accroissement de la productivité du travail. Ce quasi-gel du pouvoir d’achat des travailleurs est notamment attribuable à des transformations du marché du travail, à l’érosion du rapport de force des salariés dans les entreprises et aux valeurs néolibérales qui s’imposent auprès des gouvernements. En revanche, les années antérieures se présentent sous un tout autre jour puisque les salariés profitent de la croissance économique et de la hausse de la productivité du travail. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, leur pouvoir d’achat fait plus que doubler, en même temps qu’ils peuvent bénéficier d’une réduction de leurs heures de travail et de nombreux autres avantages sociaux. Cet avancement est le résultat de la forte croissance économique, de la hausse du taux de syndicalisation et de politiques gouvernementales keynésiennes axées sur la stimulation de la consommation. De 1901 à 1940, les salariés profitèrent également du développement industriel, même si les rapports qui déterminent l’embauche et les conditions de travail sont surtout de nature individuelle basés sur les lois du marché. Au cours de cette période, l’action de l’État demeure marginale, mais des syndicats réussissent à imposer la négociation collective.

My dissertation, Housework and Social Subversion: Wages, Housework, and Feminist Activism in 1970s Italy and Canada, presents a history of the Wages for Housework movements in Italy and Canada (1972-1978), looking at the parallel development of autonomist feminist politics in these locations. Based on a series of interviews with feminists involved in the movement, my dissertation highlights the significant political value in the way the groups theoretical perspective influenced our current understanding of social reproduction. Social reproduction refers to the unpaid activities associated with family and societal maintenance procreation, socialization, and nurturance as well as paid work in social sectors such as health care, education, childcare, and social services. In the context of Wages for Housework, my dissertation re-examines the movements understandings of wages, housework, and the gendered relations of production in the home. In critiquing the capitalist, patriarchal, imperialist nuclear family, they re-conceptualized wages and housework in a way that allowed for the uncovering of the most hidden aspect of housework: emotional labour and care. Looking at the parallel development of Wages for Housework movements in Italy and Canada, I also highlight the emergence of similar tensions regarding the demand for wages and the role of the working class housewife in their analyses. As Nicole Cox and Silvia Federici wrote, Our power as women begins with the social struggle for the wage, not to be let into the wage relation (for we were never out of it) but to be le out of it, for every sector of the working class to be left out of it (1975, 11). In light of the continued pervasiveness of care as work, this dissertation contributes to building a better understanding of social reproduction in a global context.

This article reviews the book, "Outlaws of the Atlantic: Sailors, Pirates, and Motley Crews in the Age of Sail," by Marcus Rediker.

Provides a critical appreciation of the television series, "Bomb Girls," as a pedagogical tool and as Canadian historical fiction in the context of American-dominated culture industry. Concludes that while the series is limited in its understanding of class relations, it nonetheless is of value for students to consider the relationship between mass media, representation and working women.

Job Developers have complex and demanding jobs that require balancing the needs of organizations, employers, and job seekers. Job Developers must meet new employers and potential employees every day, earn their trust, and learn their needs. A common role Job Developers play is helping people find jobs and helping employers find employees. Job Developers attempt to learn what employers and job seekers need and what each can offer to match the right applicants to the right employers.Competent Job Developers must have organization, research, marketing, selling, communication, and negotiation skills. Job development has become a high growth occupation. Because the nature of their jobs changes constantly, Job Developers must also stays updated on employment trends and labor market information. While these changes provide opportunities for practitioners to expand their roles, they also impose increased demands and challenges to build their skills and capacity to perform their jobs. The job developer profession (also known as employment specialist) is a recently new concept in the nonprofit sector. Job Developers' potential as advocates for the unemployed, those with disabilities, and new immigrants is fundamental in today's competitive job market and in the context of equitable opportunity for employment. Informal and nonformal learning are well-recognized and well-used in the job development field. Job Developers rely on informal and nonformal learning for professional development and occupational autonomy.

This article reviews the book, "'Métis': Race, Recognition, and the Struggle for Indigenous Peoplehood," by Chris Andersen.

The article reviews the book, "People with Disabilities: Sidelined or Mainstreamed?," by Lisa Schur, Douglas Kruse and Peter Blanck.

The article reviews the book, "Academic Freedom in Conflict: The Struggle Over Free Speech Rights in the University," edited by James L. Turk.

Using panel data from the Surveys of Labour and Income Dynamics covering the period 1993 to 2008 in Canada this study examines labour force transitions among older workers. High rates of self-employment among older workers primarily result from greater labour market continuation among the self-employed compared to paid employees. Older self-employed men across all characteristics examined are more likely to continue working at each age, while self-employed women do not respond to age-related factors (such as the pension system) to the same extent as paid employees. Labour market continuation is found to be higher among late-life entrants to self-employment than among paid employees after accounting for individual characteristics and job tenure.

This thesis examines the life stories of six Indigenous civil servants who worked in the Canadian federal public service from the late 1960s until today. To contextualize these lived experiences, this thesis also explores the development of a culture of merit, representation, and employment equity within the federal civil service in the twentieth century. Stories of work were provided within the frame of larger life stories, allowing narrators to speak to both their perceptions of the civil service as an employer and also the role and meaning of this work within their lives. As a result, this thesis argues that the complexity of individual experiences, identity formation, and memory make it difficult to generalize about “the Indigenous civil servant” in any meaningful way. Relatedly, this thesis also emphasizes both the enriching possibilities and the unique challenges of conducting life story oral interviews and “sharing authority” in collaborative research projects.

Increasing discontent among provincial employees in Alberta in the late 1960s and 1970s led to growing militancy culminating in a series of strike actions in 1974 by members of the Civil Service Association of Alberta (csa of a) and the transformation of that organization into the Alberta Union of Provincial Employees. In response to growing labour unrest in the public sector, the Lougheed government created a joint government/union task force with the csa of a on 11 February 1975 to review the legislation governing provincial employees and to recommend changes in legislation necessary to achieve a better system of labour relations. The creation of the task force created a period of labour peace in the provincial public sector leading up to the provincial election in the spring of 1975. However, following the re-election of the Lougheed government, public sector labour legislation was revised with the passage of the highly anti-union Public Service Employee Relations Act in May 1977. Internal government documents of the day suggest the task force process was a cynical manipulation of the union in an effort to defuse public employee militancy and to delay conflict.