Your search

The latest information in Industrial Relations and Human Resources, from the CIRHR Library at the University of Toronto. Stories from the tumblr are collected weekly in PWR: work&labour news&research, which is published from September to June. --Publisher's description.

Women have the right to a workplace free from sexual harassment under Canadian provincial and federal human rights legislation. Canadian labour laws incorporate the right to a grievance procedure including binding arbitration where arbitrators must interpret and apply human rights legislation. This paper analyzes co-worker sexual harassment cases in order to assess how well arbitrations protect the right of unionized women to a harassment free workplace. Results indicate that women complainants were often subjected to aggressive gendered cross-examinations and the application of gendered jurisprudence that largely ignored the impact of gendered power relations in the workplace. The conclusion is that women's experiences in arbitrations are likely a deterrent to filing formal complaints, effectively undermining rather than protecting their rights.

The stunning decline of Ford, General Motors and Chrysler over the past decade has rendered the once 'Big Three' US automakers a vulnerable 'Detroit Three'. In their attempts to return to profitability, the Detroit Three have undertaken a series of 'turnarounds' aimed at renewing their competitive edge. Through this corporate restructuring agenda, 250,000 assembly jobs in North America have been lost, upwards of 50 auto plants have been closed, wages and benefits for new hires have been cut substantially and once strong, independent auto unions have been thoroughly overwhelmed. Permanent restructuring, then, represents a crisis strategy on the part of the corporate elite to continually intensify the demands placed on labour in the hopes of creating new conditions for capital accumulation. Working within labour geography, this paper documents the 'regional race to the bottom' in the North American auto industry while reminding labour geographers that capitalist restructuring is a powerful constraint on labour agency.

English/French abstracts of articles in the Spring 2012 issue.

English/French abstracts of articles in the Fall 2012 issue.

Labour and Employment Law: Cases, Materials and Commentary, 8th edition, compiled by the Labour Law Casebook Group, is reviewed.

The author reflects upon the upcoming merger between the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) union and the Communications, Energy and Paperworkers (CEP) union as of the Fall 2012. Particular focus is given to the consolidated union's relationship with Canadian politics, including with the Liberal Party's Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty.

The article reviews the book, "The Ordinary People of Essex: Environment, Culture, and Economy on the Frontier of Upper Canada," by John Clarke.

The article reviews the book, "Mutations de la société, mutations des entreprises," by Michelle Bergadaà.

Details the decline of the steel industry in Hamilton, Ontario, over the past 30 years, including various labour disputes, cuts to the workforce, and changes in ownership. Concludes that a national strategy is required to resuscitate the industry.

The article reviews the book, "Managing the Margins: Gender, Citizenship, and the International Regulation of Precarious Employment," by Leah F. Vosko.

The article reviews the book, "Reforming Urban Labor: Routes to the City, Roots in the Country," by Janet L. Polasky.

Although the 1960s are overwhelmingly associated with student radicalism and the New Left, most Canadians witnessed the decade's political, economic, and cultural turmoil from a different perspective. Debating Dissent dispels the myths and stereotypes associated with the 1960s by examining what this era's transformations meant to diverse groups of Canadians - and not only protestors, youth, or the white middle-class.With critical contributions from new and senior scholars, Debating Dissent integrates traditional conceptions of the 1960s as a 'time apart' within the broader framework of the 'long-sixties' and post-1945 Canada, and places Canada within a local, national, an international context. Cutting-edge essays in social, intellectual, and political history reflect a range of historical interpretation and explore such diverse topics as narcotics, the environment, education, workers, Aboriginal and Black activism, nationalism, Quebec, women, and bilingualism. Touching on the decade's biggest issues, from changing cultural norms to the role of the state, Debating Dissent critically examines ideas of generational change and the sixties. --Publisher's description

Alberta remains the only Canadian province to exclude agricultural workers from the ambit of its occupational health and safety laws. Consequently, farm workers have no right to know about workplace safety hazards and no right to refuse unsafe work, thereby increasing their risk of a workplace injury. This study uses qualitative content analysis to identify three narratives used by government members of the legislative assembly between 2000 and 2010 to justify the continued exclusion of agricultural workers from basic health and safety rights. These narratives are: (1) education is better than regulation, (2) farms cannot be regulated, and (3) farmers don’t want and can’t afford regulation. Analysis of these narratives reveals them to be largely invalid, raising the question of why government members rely upon these narratives. The electoral rewards associated with maintaining this exclusion may comprise part of the explanation.

This study examines the validity of injury statistics used to monitor workplace safety in the Canadian province of Alberta. These indicators were found to significantly under–report the rate of injury and to be vulnerable to gaming by both employers and the workers´compensation board. These threats to the validity of the measures should limit the inferences drawn from the measures. Injury–based statistics were also found to be inadequate proxies for the broader construct of workplace safety. The political feasibility of alternative measures is also discussed.

La conclusion d’accords-cadres internationaux (ACI) est en pleine expansion depuis le début des années 2000. Mais comment s’explique l’hétérogénéité des contenus de ces accords ? En l’absence de tout cadre juridique, certains accords définissent succinctement des principes généraux dont l’application devra être négociée dans chacune des filiales, d’autres détaillent précisément des normes substantives applicables dans toutes les entités du groupe. Dans cet article, nous focalisons notre analyse sur les dispositions portant sur la fonction « ressources humaines », c’est-à-dire sur les règles de GRH définies par la direction générale des ressources humaines (DGRH), notamment en matière de rémunération, de conditions de travail et de formation ainsi que sur les missions qui lui sont imparties. En nous inscrivant dans la lignée des travaux d’Anselm Strauss, nous étudions le lien entre le contenu de l’accord, les objectifs poursuivis par les signataires et négociateurs des ACI (les fédérations syndicales internationales - FSI, et les directions des groupes signataires) et les autres éléments du contexte de la négociation. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que le contenu de l’accord dépend des « positionnements » des négociateurs (logique quantitative ou qualitative pour les FSI; politique d’image ou politique sociale pour les directions) et du contexte de la négociation. Nous justifions cette hypothèse avant de la tester en comparant les dispositions « ressources humaines » d’ACI conclus dans des firmes multinationales françaises. Nous appuyons cette démonstration sur l’exemple de quatre groupes français (Accor, France Télécom, Danone et EDF) ayant fait l’objet d’une étude de cas longitudinale approfondie, dans le cadre d’un vaste programme de recherche financé par l’Agence nationale pour la recherche.

A eulogy is presented for the labour historian of the U.S. working class David Montgomery.

Temporary help agency employment is a peculiar and often precarious employment form that has become increasingly salient in Canada in recent decades. This article examines the effects of the expansion of this employment form upon labour unions, as well as union responses to this phenomenon. Using a qualitative exploratory method, various effects upon union organizing and representation activities are outlined, as are a range of union responses to the phenomenon.