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Do low strike rates suggest that the ‘age of strikes’ has come to an end? Have we reached a time when unions can and should give up the right to strike as a weapon more suited to the ‘old’ economy, or ‘old’ unions who are themselves better suited for the industrial than the post-industrial age? Or should unions continue to defend the right to strike and if so why? This research note explores some answers to these questions that underline the critical importance of defending the right to strike. --From introduction

This thesis studies the historically varied political strategies pursued by the Canadian branch of the International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace and Agricultural Implement Workers in the union's attempts to shift the balance of power in its favour between 1936 and 1984. In so doing, the thesis examines and explains the Canadian UAW's changing relations to governments, corporations and political parties. Particular emphasis is placed on explaining the conditions under which this union pursued militant forms of political action. The analytical framework used in this work is constructed around an understanding of unions as strategic actors which make choices under limits arising from the historical, political-economic and internal conditions in which the union operates. In turn, a union's strategic capacity--defined as its ability to pursue a particular course of action successfully--is understood as being determined by both external conditions, such as the state of the economy, and by the internal resources and dynamics of the union. The most important external constraint on the Canadian UAW's strategic pursuits was the construction/destruction of the Fordist mode of regulation, which was organized around a wage/productivity trade-off and encouraged the institutionalization of labour-management relations, union control of membership militancy and the practice of 'responsible' unionism. At the same, it is argued that the Canadian UAW shaped the nature of this compromise and the timing of its own acceptance of this arrangement. More specifically, the Canadian UAW's distinctive organizational structure and collective identity are argued to have delayed the union's acceptance of the practices of 'responsible' unionism and influenced the particular regulatory mechanisms put into place in the Canadian auto industry. Overall, this study finds that, in contrast to current interpretations of union postwar political behaviour, Canadian Autoworkers continued to pursue militant, mobilization-based forms of political action until the early 1960's. It was only at this time that Canadian Autoworkers appeared to accept constraints on their militancy in exchange for improved wages and benefits and greater access to political decision-making. This period of detente between the UAW, governments and corporations was short-lived, however, owing both to emergent strains within the union between the rank and file and the leadership and the crisis of Fordism. Consequently, the UAW, in an attempt to protect its organizational integrity and position of strength in the workplace and society, returned to militant forms of political action, the effects of which were a shift in the balance of power in favour of the union and Canadian Autoworkers' split from their International union.

When unions recruit women they tend to recruit them in gender blind ways. appealing to them as workers around job and workplace focused interests. This approach to collective representation ignores women's gender-specific experiences and understanding of their relationship to work as a blurring of the boundaries between work, home and community. By shifting their organizing strategy from the workplace and work to the community and relations of caring, this blurring of the boundaries opens up new strategies in which unions might organize and represent women workers. Using a case study of the organization of child care providers by a British Columbia union, the article explores how organizing in the interstices of work, home and community around relations of caring allowed this union to build a coalition of workers with divergent interests and employment relations.

In response to a sense of crisis precipitated by the 1995 election of the provincial Conservative government in Ontario and more anti-union employers, unions in Ontario have increased resources invested in and priority attached to organizing the unorganized. This article examines how unions have reoriented their organizing strategies to increase organizing effort in the private service sector and amongst women while at the same time experimenting with certain innovative rank-and-file intensive strategies that have significant positive effects on the outcome of organizing drives. The paper concludes that if unions follow through with this renewed commitment to organizing, they are likely to prevent a more serious membership crisis from erupting.

In the wake of the continuing recession and destabilized global economy, theorizing about the industrial peace that reigned after World War II through the 1970s has undergone considerable revision. In this path-breaking discussion of Canadian labor relations, Charlotte Yates shows how the state-centered European theories of political economy did not fit the Canadian and United States experiences and treated them as anomalies. Through a case study of the Autoworkers Union in Canada (a branch of the UAW until 1984), Yates subjects this theorizing to critical scrutiny. Using extensive archives of union political activities, Yates describes how unions were demobilized in their relationships with the state, employers, and political parties as Fordist regulatory structures and practices forced unions to accept the constraints of responsible union behavior. She argues that the Canadian Autoworkers' collective identity and internal organizational structure counteracted these demobilizing tendencies. This historical legacy laid the groundwork for the Autoworker Union's return to militancy in the 1980s and 1990s and has shaped its responses to the pressures of economic globalization and heightened competition. From Plant to Politics demonstrates how continued union militancy in resisting concessions from employers and other attacks on unions has placed the union in a position of strength from which it now hopes to negotiate the Canadian path to a restructured economy. This study of the internal dynamics of a major union contributes to an understanding of unions as complex organizations engaged in strategic activities that have a definite impact on the national political economy. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Sisters of Solidarity," by Julie White.

How can unions arrest membership decline in an increasingly chilly climate? Unions across Canada have arrived at a common answer to this question; unions need to organize the unorganized, in particular reaching out to women, youth and people of colour. After a brief discussion of who is being organized by unions, this article turns to a discussion of innovations in union organizing strategies, including the virtue of rank and file activists and the B.C. Organizing Institute. The next challenge for unions is to keep newly organized workers as members. This depends on adequate representation of these members’ interests and opportunities for their participation in union affairs. The paper critically evaluates union efforts at reform of internal structures and collective bargaining practices. While organizing alone cannot secure the future of unions, it is a critical part of the process of the renewal of labour power.

Analyzes how, in the late 1980s, industrial unions such as the Canadian Auto Workers adapted successfully to the growth of the service sector and the changing composition of the workforce. Concludes that problems of internal union structure and identity, as well as jurisdictional disputes between unions, are still not resolved.

This comprehensive survey of continuity and change in trade unions looks at five primarily English-speaking countries: the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK. The authors consider the recent re-examination by trade union movements of the basis of union organization and activity in the face of a harsher economic and political climate. One of the impetuses for this re-examination has been the recent history of unions in the USA. American models of renewal have inspired Australia, New Zealand and the UK, while Canada has undergone a cautious examination of the US model with an attempt to develop a distinctive approach. This book aims to provide a thorough grounding for informed discussion and debate about the position and place of trade unions in modern economies. --Publisher's description

Assesses the state of the union movement in Canada. Concludes that progress in the past decade has been hampered by internal competition, resistance by many in the movement to new, more militant forms of action, and a lack of vision to offer workers in the struggle to resist employers and governments.

Describes the varying patterns of union governance and membership since 1945 in the five primarily English-speaking countries of Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, and the US. Discusses union efforts at renewal in the 1990s as a result of declining membership and waning political influence.

The paper examines the impact of lean production on indicators of the quality of life at work in the automotive industry and finds that it varies across companies and to a lesser extent between countries. The paper explains this by arguing that lean production seeks to impose new employment standards. This is a contested process where management's capacity to shift to new standards and labour's ability to protect its interests vary across workplaces.

While new models of work organization (lean production) in the automobile industry have been portrayed as a 'democratic' break with Fordism, we find considerable parallels with those traditional patterns of labour control they were intended to supplant. Far from understanding these as exemplars of 'democratic Taylorism', the article identifies specific company responses to problems associated with declining productivity and competitiveness. Moreover, the article argues that new models of work organization associated with lean production, far from heralding empowerment, are more conerned with asserting management control in varying ways in different companies.

Discusses way and means to rejuvenate union democracy and education, with references to the Canadian labour movement.

[E]xamines the ways in which union organizing gender-baised and highlights possible union strategies to overcome the bias and improve organizing success. ...The paper draws on the survey of union organizers in Ontario and British Columbia conducted by the authors in 2000 and 2001. --Editors' introduction

Through a series of interviews with workers in the automotive parts industry, Negotiating Risk argues that the restructuring of labour markets and welfare states, paired with firm-level work and management reorganization, has exposed working-class families to greater levels of job risk and insecurity. Focusing on workers in Canada and Mexico and using a gender and race analysis, this book paints a bleak portrait of the lives of working people, where workers and their families continually renegotiate the effects of neo-liberal economic and social change. These changes see individuals working harder, longer and travelling further from home to keep their jobs, while straining familial and community relations and eroding the basis for worker solidarity and collective action. --Publisher's description. Contents: Negotiating risk, seeking security, eroding solidarity -- Labour markets, the state and work through the lens of the automotive parts industry -- Communities and their labour markets -- Experiencing risk and seeking security -- Gendered practices of coping with risk and insecurity -- Sustaining livelihoods through mobility -- Whither solidarity?

Detailed assessment of the mixed record of the Canadian labour movement over the past decade. Concludes that union renewal lies in the balance between union education and democracy, and engagement with workplace restructuring.

Analyzes the role played organized labour in advancing women's equity issues in the political arena, with particular focus on the period since the 2006 election of the Conservative [federal] government. --Editor's introduction

Draws on survey data collected in Canada, Britain and Japan in an attempt to assess the claim that lean production represents a positive change in the employment relationship in the automobile industry. Concludes that despite the rhetoric of consensual participation, the difficult working environment created by the regime relies on significant degrees of imposition to keep the assembly lines running, which negatively impacts on employees' working lives.