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The Great Recession was the largest crisis of capitalism since the Great Depression and the largest crisis in neoliberalism to date, sending shockwaves throughout the global economy. States scrambled to right the sinking capitalist ship in order to maintain high levels of accumulation. In Canada, as in so many other countries, the state introduced austerity measures aimed at organized labour and the broader working class. This volume explores the political economy of The Great Recession in Canada, and focuses on how labour has responded to the crisis, neoliberalism, and austerity measures. --Publisher's description. Contents: 1. From Crisis To Austerity: An Introduction / Tim Fowler -- 2. The Canadian State and the Crisis: Theoretical and Historical Context / Stephen McBride & Heather Whiteside -- 3. From the Great Recession of 2008-2009 to Fiscal Austerity: The Role of Inequality / Akhter Faroque and Brian K. MacLean -- 4. Neoliberalism, Capitalist Crisis, and Continuing Austerity in the Ontario State / Tim Fowler -- 5. Collective Bargaining in a Time of Austerity: Public-Sector Unions and the University Sector in Ontario / Mathew Nelson & James Meades -- 6. "We Will Fight This Crisis": Auto Workers Resist an Industrial Meltdown/ Bill Murnighan & Jim Stanford -- 7. The Decline of the Labour Movement: A Socialist Perspective / Murray E.G. Smith & Jonah Butovsky -- 8. Labour’s Response to the Crisis and the Future of Working-Class Politics / David Camfield.
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This article examines the round of collective bargaining that took place between the Canadian Autoworkers (CAW), Canada’s largest private-sector union, and the ‘Big Three’ auto manufacturers (Ford, Chrysler, and General Motors) during the most recent crisis of capitalism (sometimes popularly referred to as the ‘Great Recession’). During this round of bargaining, the union made concessions in order to secure production; the article argues what while this may have represented a short-term success, in the long run the union has implicitly bought into the logics of neoliberalism, which will have disastrous consequences for both the union and the larger labour movement.
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The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the NDP in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide whether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.
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The authors examine the use of new social media (NSM) by Canadian unions during electoral campaigns. The use of NSM by unions is emerging in Canada, and the authors study the 2011 federal and provincial elections, arguably the first time Canadian unions used NSM as part of their electoral strategies. The authors show that unions with close partisan ties to the New Democratic Party are more likely to embrace NSM as an electoral tactic than unions with no partisan ties or unions that engage in strategic voting.
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