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This article reviews the book, "Abolition and After the Paper Box Wages Council," by C. Craig, Jill Rubery, Roger Tarling & Frank Wilkinson.
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On September 29, 1931, almost 400 striking coal miners clashed with local police and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in the streets of Estevan, Saskatchewan. The battle lasted less than an hour but left three men dead and twenty-three seriously injured. It was Canada's worst day of labor-related violence since "Bloody Saturday" in Winnipeg (June 21, 1919), and before long Estevan's day of infamy became known simply as "Black Tuesday."
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The article reviews the book, "Masters, Servants, and Magistrates in Britain and the Empire, 1562-1955," edited by Douglas Hay and Paul Craven.
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“The west wants in” was the rallying cry of the Reform Party launched in 1987. What the West wanted, how its aspirations could be fulfilled within Confederation, and how fulfilling them might change Canada itself came to dominate the party’s agenda over the next decade or so. The West’s relationship to the rest of the country has also been a major theme in Canadian labour history, of ten with respect to notions of “western radicalism” or “western exceptionalism.” Reviewing Labour / Le Travail’s coverage of Canadian labour over the past quarter-century, this article reviews the extent to which western workers have been represented, the varying ways in which their identity has been characterized, and the degree to which traditional perceptions of a “radical” West have been either reinforced or revised as a result.
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The article reviews the book, "The Making of Western Labor Radicals: Denver's Organized Workers, 1878-1905," by David Brundage.
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The article reviews the book "A Square Deal for All and No Railroading: Historial Essays on Labour in Brandon," by Errol Black and Tom Mitchell.
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Between 1900 and 1904, rapid growth in population and industrial production transformed Calgary. It was also a period in which those arrested and charged with vagrancy appeared before the local police court in increasing numbers. Previous studies have suggested that the prosecution of vagrants amounted to a form of social control. Reflecting the values of the dominant middle class, local authorities sought to suppress or reform anyone who rejected those same values, especially those connected to the importance of work. This article argues that, in Calgary at least, the criminal justice system lacked the intent or means to reform vagrants. Instead, it punished them as an example to the wider working class of the penalty for rejecting the work ethic.
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Recent labour historiography on the strike wave of 1919 has debated whether events are better explained within a framework of western exceptionalism (that is, stressing regional factors) or of a national revolt (that is stressing class tensions). A study of Calgary suggests that neither of these interpretations is fully satisfactory. Calgary workers, by 1919, certainly displayed a class identity and a class consciousness, but these were tempered by broader cultural bonds and by continuing entrepreneurial aspirations. Despite a generation of economic disillusionment, characterized by falling real wages and the high frequency of unemployment, labour continued to place faith in craft unions, political reforms, and class co-operation. Fitting neither of the established interpretation frameworks, the experience of workers in Calgary, 1919, indicates the need for a reassessment of current conceptions of class relations.
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